Dear Professor. Jean-Emmanuel Pondi, I’d like to start by acknowledging your implied acknowledgment to our struggle in what is often but e...
Dear Professor. Jean-Emmanuel Pondi,
In your analysis, you identified two schools of thought as being at loggerheads with the subject matter of the Discourse. To wit; The first group; Is a majority of francophones and very few Anglophones hold that there is virtually no specific Anglophone Problem in Cameroon. According to you, this class holds that the problems faced by the two Anglophone regions of Cameroon are the same problems faced in the rest 8 regions of Cameroun implying therefore that there should be no need to complain. They suggest that anyone fighting for justice and equality in the two English zones are therefore trouble makers and instead of making trouble, they should rather join hands with the other 8 regions and build a strong united Cameroon.
The second school of thought according to you is the English Speaking Cameroonians including few Francophones who share the same ideology. To you, this class is justifying the existence of the Anglophone problems from the lapses of the July 1961 Foumban Conference resolutions. You did go ahead to state some of the safeguards of the conference like Language equality, cultural and historical importance and a mention of the constitution. To you, the reasons why they hold that there is an Anglophone problem is because the rule of constitutional equality is not being respected on a daily basis by the dominated French-speaking zone. You went forth to sight a few scenarios where Anglophone constitutional right (to the use of their first language) is often violated and ridiculed forcing you to your most celebrated conclusion that it is for this reason that some Anglophones vile in support of the SCNC ideology for secession. In extension, you grounded the whole conclusion that this group holds that “Francophones are responsible for all their woes”. You proceeded to link the recent protests in the two English regions as directly linked to the arguments of the latter school of thought.
In taking a personal stand, you somehow tried not to deny the existence of ‘an anglophone problem’ in Cameroon as you clearly stated “It’s hard to conclude that there is no ‘anglophone problem’. If you want to state an authority or make an unequivocal declaration, state it clear free from any vagueness or ambiguity not via implied means. Yet, you opine that the mere fact that people express their frustrations publicly on mass media and elsewhere shows that indeed the Anglophones have a problem. AS a solution to the Anglophone problem, therefore, you enjoined your French speaking counterparts to not deny its existence but to understand the problem.You made an important declaration which shifts away from the former school of thought who hold that all the 10 regions of Cameroon do face the same problems by saying that Apart from the English speaking regions, none of the 8 other regions made a choice of either joining Nigeria or La Republique in a union in 1961.
In your later paragraphs, you portrayed your level of Academics as the professor you are and forgot to understand that What is going on in the English speaking regions is not a set of protests across the board but a complete resistance of the entire peoples of Southern Cameroons against your perpetual dominion of the peoples of Southern Cameroons. According to you even though you assert to the existence of the Anglophone problem, it is wrong for you to assert that the entire peoples of Southern Cameroons are right for rising up against La Republique du Cameroon. Dear Prof.Pondi, it is a notorious principle of Equity that “Equity will not suffer a wrong to go without a remedy”.
Dear Prof.Pondi, Southern Cameroonians are not abusing legal provisions as you claim they are. If they are, what are some of these provisions? Cite me one if you could. What do you constitute an abuse of legal provisions? May it please you to know that part of the inherent right of a person to resist and reject unjust laws. Whereby any law or group of laws which tend to frustrate the inherent and fundamental human rights of persons should be registered in toto. There are no legal justifications for defending morally unjust laws and in like manner, there should be no penalties or damages for violating same.
A law is bad no matter how well you craft it to be. But if you still hold and claim that it is an abuse of “legal provisions” for Southern Cameroons to be resisting injustice as they are then the onus is on you to give them reasons not to act in that manner. If Southern Cameroonians have remained resilient after numerous attempts to crack down the movements then culpability is that of your office to have failed to provide adequate academic counsel to the regime, not on the Southern Cameroonians.
Let me make this clear Sir, No one denies your unquestionable academic prowess and savvy which you have acquired around the globe. You could be what legal gurus have loosely qualified as Primos inter pares in the field of academics, politics or world affairs, but when it comes to understanding the nature of the Southern Cameroons question, you are less informed. You need to learn much before attempting a dive on the Southern Cameroons struggle. I say this not because you are not qualified to have such a knowledge about it but because in what I qualify as academic impartiality, we choose what we want to learn in order to be a specialist in the field of study.
I’d like to start by acknowledging your implied acknowledgment to our struggle in what is often but erroneously referred to as ‘The Anglophone problem’.
Indeed only a few of your colleagues in La Republique du Cameroun have had interest to even think of a topic as the one you argued on in your publication of 22nd December 2016 titled “Is there an Anglophone problem in Cameroon or could this be a mere fantasy?”In your analysis, you identified two schools of thought as being at loggerheads with the subject matter of the Discourse. To wit; The first group; Is a majority of francophones and very few Anglophones hold that there is virtually no specific Anglophone Problem in Cameroon. According to you, this class holds that the problems faced by the two Anglophone regions of Cameroon are the same problems faced in the rest 8 regions of Cameroun implying therefore that there should be no need to complain. They suggest that anyone fighting for justice and equality in the two English zones are therefore trouble makers and instead of making trouble, they should rather join hands with the other 8 regions and build a strong united Cameroon.
The second school of thought according to you is the English Speaking Cameroonians including few Francophones who share the same ideology. To you, this class is justifying the existence of the Anglophone problems from the lapses of the July 1961 Foumban Conference resolutions. You did go ahead to state some of the safeguards of the conference like Language equality, cultural and historical importance and a mention of the constitution. To you, the reasons why they hold that there is an Anglophone problem is because the rule of constitutional equality is not being respected on a daily basis by the dominated French-speaking zone. You went forth to sight a few scenarios where Anglophone constitutional right (to the use of their first language) is often violated and ridiculed forcing you to your most celebrated conclusion that it is for this reason that some Anglophones vile in support of the SCNC ideology for secession. In extension, you grounded the whole conclusion that this group holds that “Francophones are responsible for all their woes”. You proceeded to link the recent protests in the two English regions as directly linked to the arguments of the latter school of thought.
In taking a personal stand, you somehow tried not to deny the existence of ‘an anglophone problem’ in Cameroon as you clearly stated “It’s hard to conclude that there is no ‘anglophone problem’. If you want to state an authority or make an unequivocal declaration, state it clear free from any vagueness or ambiguity not via implied means. Yet, you opine that the mere fact that people express their frustrations publicly on mass media and elsewhere shows that indeed the Anglophones have a problem. AS a solution to the Anglophone problem, therefore, you enjoined your French speaking counterparts to not deny its existence but to understand the problem.You made an important declaration which shifts away from the former school of thought who hold that all the 10 regions of Cameroon do face the same problems by saying that Apart from the English speaking regions, none of the 8 other regions made a choice of either joining Nigeria or La Republique in a union in 1961.
In your later paragraphs, you portrayed your level of Academics as the professor you are and forgot to understand that What is going on in the English speaking regions is not a set of protests across the board but a complete resistance of the entire peoples of Southern Cameroons against your perpetual dominion of the peoples of Southern Cameroons. According to you even though you assert to the existence of the Anglophone problem, it is wrong for you to assert that the entire peoples of Southern Cameroons are right for rising up against La Republique du Cameroon. Dear Prof.Pondi, it is a notorious principle of Equity that “Equity will not suffer a wrong to go without a remedy”.
Dear Prof.Pondi, Southern Cameroonians are not abusing legal provisions as you claim they are. If they are, what are some of these provisions? Cite me one if you could. What do you constitute an abuse of legal provisions? May it please you to know that part of the inherent right of a person to resist and reject unjust laws. Whereby any law or group of laws which tend to frustrate the inherent and fundamental human rights of persons should be registered in toto. There are no legal justifications for defending morally unjust laws and in like manner, there should be no penalties or damages for violating same.
A law is bad no matter how well you craft it to be. But if you still hold and claim that it is an abuse of “legal provisions” for Southern Cameroons to be resisting injustice as they are then the onus is on you to give them reasons not to act in that manner. If Southern Cameroonians have remained resilient after numerous attempts to crack down the movements then culpability is that of your office to have failed to provide adequate academic counsel to the regime, not on the Southern Cameroonians.
Let me make this clear Sir, No one denies your unquestionable academic prowess and savvy which you have acquired around the globe. You could be what legal gurus have loosely qualified as Primos inter pares in the field of academics, politics or world affairs, but when it comes to understanding the nature of the Southern Cameroons question, you are less informed. You need to learn much before attempting a dive on the Southern Cameroons struggle. I say this not because you are not qualified to have such a knowledge about it but because in what I qualify as academic impartiality, we choose what we want to learn in order to be a specialist in the field of study.
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| The Academic Dissection Of Professor Jean-Emmanuel Pondi Pondi Falsehood |
Saying this, therefore, I make bold to say that What is going on in the Southern Cameroons right now is not “An Anglophone problem” as you have advanced but a Southern Cameroons problem. What is going on in Southern Cameroons is a struggle; a struggle for liberation from oppression, from liberation from the shackles of an authoritarian set of rebels, a set of rulers by force , rulers by decree and orders, a set of historical murderers, a set of constitutional rapists and above all a set of externally teleguided neo-colonialist who have caged the destiny of Southern Cameroons through colonialism. Yes Mr. Professor, this is what the southern Cameroons’ quest for freedom is all about.
Again, the Southern Cameroons Struggle is unique it is not likened to other struggles in Africa. Whereby You Professor, cannot liken it to neither the Biafra Liberation nor South Sudan nor Rwanda. The Struggle is unique in the sense that there is no secession. Southern Cameroonians are not fighting for secession because there was never a union between La Republique du Cameroun and British Southern Cameroons, what transpired was a concubinage. I believe you know that concubinage does not constitute a valid marriage under the Matrimonial causes act. “Njuba nobi Married”.
My dear professor. This is the exact reason why I openly challenge your authority invoked by UN Resolution 1352 of 16th October 1959.I challenge your authority by invoking Act 76(b) of the UN Charter that Independence by joining means; Independence must be total and without any conditions. Please do not attempt to mention such a weak resolution.May it please you to know that even where there arises a conflict between the Resolutions of the UN and the Charter, it is the charter that takes precedents and not the resolutions.
As wise and intelligent as you claim to be when it comes to citing out UN resolutions, Have you ever attempted to cause a reading on Act 102 (1) and (2) of the UN charter? It states strictu sensu that; The terms of any union between a member state of the UN and another must be evidenced in writing and a copy of the agreement filed at the UN secretariat which will publish it.
The non-filing of this evidence makes any such unions impliedly negotiated a mere myth and not a reality, a mere concubinage and not Marriage under the statute. Marriages have Marriage Certificates. Even at birth, there is a birth certificate asserting the creation of something. What is that certificate that creates a union between southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroon? Was this ever done? Did you transfer the 11th February Plebiscite Results coupled with the Foumban resolutions to the UN for filing to consummate our marriage? Was any of these ever done? No Mr. Professor. This is, therefore, the bedrock of our resistance, the very raison d’etre of the Southern Cameroons struggle and not some mass media debates or linguistic supremacy as you make it seem. You got it all wrong Mr.Professor.
You are calling on your regime to implement charges against Southern Cameroonians for resisting external pressure. Where have you ever seen a country where people are being sentenced for fulfilling a constitutional provision of the right to strike if not in Cameroun. Again where have you seen an entire people being blacklisted and termed terrorists because they are trying to fulfill the provisions of the right to self-determination under international law if not in your Cameroun? May it please you again to know that Articles 19 and 20 (1) and (2) of the African charter which Cameroon ratified justifies ipso facto the Southern Cameroons struggle for self-determination.
To conclude, I would like to say that You can judge a man from what he has done and not what he plans to do. You have judged Southern Cameroonians for what you have seen them demonstrate, kindly wait to see what is undercover. A professor of conscience would but a typical professor of Academics won’t.You can encourage your army of occupation to continue to brutalize and torture Southern Cameroonians by your constant martial decrees but I tell you today, that there is one thing stronger than all world armies, a peoples’ resistance for you can kill its leaders but the spirit of the resistance lives on for generations and generations.Mr. Professor, Liberty may sleep at times but it never dies for as long as Southern Cameroonians live in anger and tears, the heart of liberty will always be watered with the tears from our hearts to rise one more time.
You can kill us today but you will never succeed to kill our resistance through your continuous domination.Yes, this is our pledge and it is part of the resistance.Your academic prowess may have found a solution to justify mass killings and a justification for unjust government laws, but I tell you, your solutions can never satisfy the ultimate solution to the people, their human conscience, you can never possess the solution because you lack the basic tenets of humanity and love for human conscience. Take your best of the best proposal of decentralization to Kondengui Prison and be discussing it with Marafa Amadou Yahyah, he initiated it and is part of the current state of socioeconomic and political standstill in your La Republique du Cameroun. Southern Cameroons has the right to exist as a people and we shall. The Struggle continues until we regain our country and identity as a people. The single Lesson I have leaned from all these so far is that when writing your history or story of your life, never allow someone else to hold your pen.
Ashu Hailshammy
UBSU President Emeritus-UB
Again, the Southern Cameroons Struggle is unique it is not likened to other struggles in Africa. Whereby You Professor, cannot liken it to neither the Biafra Liberation nor South Sudan nor Rwanda. The Struggle is unique in the sense that there is no secession. Southern Cameroonians are not fighting for secession because there was never a union between La Republique du Cameroun and British Southern Cameroons, what transpired was a concubinage. I believe you know that concubinage does not constitute a valid marriage under the Matrimonial causes act. “Njuba nobi Married”.
My dear professor. This is the exact reason why I openly challenge your authority invoked by UN Resolution 1352 of 16th October 1959.I challenge your authority by invoking Act 76(b) of the UN Charter that Independence by joining means; Independence must be total and without any conditions. Please do not attempt to mention such a weak resolution.May it please you to know that even where there arises a conflict between the Resolutions of the UN and the Charter, it is the charter that takes precedents and not the resolutions.
As wise and intelligent as you claim to be when it comes to citing out UN resolutions, Have you ever attempted to cause a reading on Act 102 (1) and (2) of the UN charter? It states strictu sensu that; The terms of any union between a member state of the UN and another must be evidenced in writing and a copy of the agreement filed at the UN secretariat which will publish it.
The non-filing of this evidence makes any such unions impliedly negotiated a mere myth and not a reality, a mere concubinage and not Marriage under the statute. Marriages have Marriage Certificates. Even at birth, there is a birth certificate asserting the creation of something. What is that certificate that creates a union between southern Cameroons and La Republique du Cameroon? Was this ever done? Did you transfer the 11th February Plebiscite Results coupled with the Foumban resolutions to the UN for filing to consummate our marriage? Was any of these ever done? No Mr. Professor. This is, therefore, the bedrock of our resistance, the very raison d’etre of the Southern Cameroons struggle and not some mass media debates or linguistic supremacy as you make it seem. You got it all wrong Mr.Professor.
You are calling on your regime to implement charges against Southern Cameroonians for resisting external pressure. Where have you ever seen a country where people are being sentenced for fulfilling a constitutional provision of the right to strike if not in Cameroun. Again where have you seen an entire people being blacklisted and termed terrorists because they are trying to fulfill the provisions of the right to self-determination under international law if not in your Cameroun? May it please you again to know that Articles 19 and 20 (1) and (2) of the African charter which Cameroon ratified justifies ipso facto the Southern Cameroons struggle for self-determination.
To conclude, I would like to say that You can judge a man from what he has done and not what he plans to do. You have judged Southern Cameroonians for what you have seen them demonstrate, kindly wait to see what is undercover. A professor of conscience would but a typical professor of Academics won’t.You can encourage your army of occupation to continue to brutalize and torture Southern Cameroonians by your constant martial decrees but I tell you today, that there is one thing stronger than all world armies, a peoples’ resistance for you can kill its leaders but the spirit of the resistance lives on for generations and generations.Mr. Professor, Liberty may sleep at times but it never dies for as long as Southern Cameroonians live in anger and tears, the heart of liberty will always be watered with the tears from our hearts to rise one more time.
You can kill us today but you will never succeed to kill our resistance through your continuous domination.Yes, this is our pledge and it is part of the resistance.Your academic prowess may have found a solution to justify mass killings and a justification for unjust government laws, but I tell you, your solutions can never satisfy the ultimate solution to the people, their human conscience, you can never possess the solution because you lack the basic tenets of humanity and love for human conscience. Take your best of the best proposal of decentralization to Kondengui Prison and be discussing it with Marafa Amadou Yahyah, he initiated it and is part of the current state of socioeconomic and political standstill in your La Republique du Cameroun. Southern Cameroons has the right to exist as a people and we shall. The Struggle continues until we regain our country and identity as a people. The single Lesson I have leaned from all these so far is that when writing your history or story of your life, never allow someone else to hold your pen.
Ashu Hailshammy
UBSU President Emeritus-UB
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